战略思维

您的当前位置:首页 > 战略思维

译文 | 十月革命与LGBTQ+的斗争
时间:2017-12-8 12:31:00 来源: 作者:Timothy Bay 浏览: 1303

    本文转载自公众号“Purple”(ID:thupurple),原载于酷儿工友服务社(ID:qwsc_cn)


    DT君按:

    今天是十月革命的一百周年纪念日。Purple为此转载了酷儿工友服务社翻译的一篇文章The October Revolution and LGBTQ+ Struggle,作者是Timothy Bay. 可以点击“阅读原文”跳转至酷儿工友服务社的微信公众号。

    文章要表达的意思已经很清楚了,DT君只想简单地说几句。在这个问题上面,Purple之前已经表明了基本立场:


    马克思主义对待同性恋是什么态度?

    他山之石 | 同性恋与共产党


    概括一下:LGBT群体所遭受的歧视源自所谓的“直人思维”,而它早已成为了资本主义社会推卸养育责任的意识形态工具。如果不能触动资本主义、不能实现养育的社会化、不能取消专偶制家庭在阶级固化中所扮演的角色,那LGBT群体的权益改善也只能维系很短的时间。苏维埃政权在成立的最初几年内,在这个方向上进行过大胆的探索。

    在苏联解体之后,苏维埃政权成立之初带来的巨大的社会进步开始被有意地淡忘。但追溯史料就会发现,这些事实很清楚地摆在眼前。这些进步政策在执行的过程中当然带来过相当的混乱,但那本来应当是新世界诞生前的阵痛。它们的消失是布尔什维克党变质的结果,而这有着极为复杂的历史原因。西方的宣传手段把苏维埃简单地描述成反人类的暴政,绝口不提马克思主义和社会主义思潮对西方思想界巨大的、根本性的影响(例如,同性恋解放运动在发端之时与共产主义运动有着千丝万缕的联系);而另外一方则不遗余力地将官僚主义拿来为自己的保守、落后进行辩护,并冠之以“马克思主义”之名,用它来保护自己的官僚资本主义。这也完全不顾苏维埃开社会风气之先的事实。这两者自然都决不是正视历史的态度。

    从历史中,我们能得到的启示依旧是:


    真正的共产党人必定是LGBT运动的支持者。

    LGBT群体与工人阶级应当成为站在一起的同志。




    译者按:



          酷儿工友工作室本期推出的译文主要描述了十月革命与LGBT+平权之间的历史关系。2017年恰逢十月革命胜利纪念100周年,通过回顾历史,可以看到100年前的布尔什维克革命者们究竟是如何推动平权议题并有所建树。这篇文章对现在“共产主义打压同性恋”的误解作出了最好的回应。文章更用公开出柜的男同性恋者、苏维埃政府的外交代表契切林的故事,从侧面讲述了官僚主义对苏维埃政权的危害性。文章除了描述LGBTQ+平权在十月革命胜利后的辉煌与失败,也从一个马克思主义者的角度提出:社会主义革命并不能使压迫与歧视在一夜之间消失,社会革命只是为消除一切压迫与歧视扫除了前进道路上的障碍,而我们则需努力去弄清,除了扫除最根本的问题——阶级压迫与剥削以外,还应该做些什么来彻底消灭这些压迫和歧视。





    Once upon a time, same-sex marriage was legalized, transgender people were allowed to serve in the army, an openly gay man was minister of foreign affairs, discrimination was removed from the law, and it was a simple administrative matter to have one’s gender changed on official documents. Where was this wondrous place? When was it that such laws—which went further than those of any modern country in terms of basic democratic and human rights—were enacted? Most importantly, why aren’t such laws in place everywhere today? Not surprisingly for Marxists, the country in question was the Soviet Union, and the laws in question were passed during the ascendant phase of the revolution, from 1917 until 1926, under Lenin and Trotsky’s leadership. Also not surprisingly, these laws were subsequently repealed by the Stalinist counterrevolution, which crushed all the social and political gains of Bolshevism underfoot.


    曾经有一个地方,同性婚姻是合法的,跨性别者是可以从军的,一位公开出柜的男同性恋者可以是一名外交部长,歧视性的法律条文被移除,而在证件上修改个人性别仅仅是一件简单的行政事务。这个神奇的地方是哪里?这些比现代任何一个国家在基本的民主和人权上都更进步的法律,是什么时候树立起来的?更重要的是,为什么这样的法律没有在世界各地普遍推行?马克思主义者们对此并不感到惊讶:这个国家是苏联,而这些法律在列宁和托洛茨基的领导下实施于俄国革命上升时期,即1917年到1926年之间。同样不值得惊讶的是,这些法律也在后来斯大林主义反革命浪潮中,与其他所有布尔什维克主义所带来的社会和政治进步一同被废止、粉碎。


    The career of Georgy Chicherin, Commissar of Foreign Affairs from 1918 to 1930, is representative of this process. When he returned to Russia after the Bolshevik Revolution, Chicherin was appointed Trotsky’s deputy in the negotiations leading up to the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, and followed Trotsky as Commissar of Foreign Affairs in May of 1918. In that capacity, Chicherin, an openly gay man, acted as the representative of the Soviet state on a world stage. Among other accomplishments, he signed the Treaty of Rapallo on behalf of the Soviet state and—irony of ironies—negotiated the status of the Catholic Church in Russia with Eugenio Pacelli, the man who would go on to become Pope Pius XII. However, despite his workaholic habits and diplomatic skill, Chicherin entered into conflict with Stalin, was effectively pushed aside from his position in 1928, finally removed in 1930, and references to him were expunged after his death in 1936. A political exile under tsarism, raised up and given a chance to develop his talents by Bolshevism, he was tossed aside by the counterrevolution of Stalinism. In this he is perhaps representative of everyone oppressed along the lines of gender and sexuality in the former Tsarist Empire and the Soviet Union.


    1918年至1930年担任外交人民委员的格奥尔基•契切林【1】的经历是这整个历史进程的典型代表。契切林在布尔什维克革命后返回俄国,之后被委任为托洛茨基在布列斯特-立陶夫斯克条约谈判中的副手,并在1918年5月随托洛茨基担任了外交人民委员一职。在这里,契切林以公开出柜的男同性恋的身份,作为苏维埃国家的代表而活跃在世界舞台上。成就斐然的他最出众的表现,是代表苏维埃政府签订了拉帕洛条约。最讽刺的是,他还就天主教在俄国的地位,同后来成为了庇护十二世的尤金·帕切里展开了谈判【2】然而,尽管契切林工作忘我、外交技巧老道,他还是和斯大林发生了冲突,这使得他自1928年开始逐渐被杯葛,最后在1930年被迫离职。所有有关于他的官方记录都在他1936年死后被移除。他是一个沙皇制度之下的政治流亡者,因布尔什维克主义而得到了发展他自己才能的机会,但最终却被反革命的斯大林主义扔到了一边。由此,他可能代表了所有由于性别和性倾向而在沙俄和苏联时期受到压迫的人们。




    格奥尔基•契切林


    Under tsarism, homosexuality was illegal. Never mind marriage equality, individuals not conforming to the predominant "norms" of gender and sexuality could find themselves hauled off to prison merely for existing and confiding in the wrong person. The situation was changed overnight when the Bolsheviks took power. Although the old tsarist laws were not completely disposed of until 1922, when homosexuality was left out of the new criminal code and same-sex marriage legalized, there is not the slightest shred of evidence to suggest that the old laws were enforced from November 7, 1917 onward. In effect, the entirety of the old tsarist law had been thrown into the fire immediately after the winning of power by the working class.


    在沙皇制度下,同性恋是非法的,更不用说婚姻平权了。在性别和性行为上不符合主流“规范”的个人很可能会被抓进监狱,而这仅仅是因为他们本身的存在,或是他们向错误的人倾诉了自己的秘密。当布尔什维克党夺权后,这种局面在一夜之间就得到了改变。尽管直到1922年,旧的沙皇法律才被完全废止,同性恋被排除在刑法之外,同性婚姻也得到了合法化,然而却也没有任何证据显示旧法律在1917年11月7日后得到过执行。事实上,所有沙皇时代的旧法律都立即被夺权的工人阶级扔进火堆中了。


    In 1926, the revolution allowed individuals to have their gender identification changed on passports and other official documents at will, without the need for undergoing surgery, psychological counseling, or submitting to any other such requirement. State-sponsored research began to take place on intersex issues. The future seemed bright for all previously marginalized sex, (a)gender, and sexual identities. Although the Bolsheviks didn't necessarily begin with any great focus or insight on LGBTQ+ issues (a modern term used here because the terminology used to describe such individuals at that time is antiquated, offensive, exclusive, or all of the above), it is clear that they had a basic position of opposition to prejudice and discrimination.


    在1926年,革命允许任何人按照自己的意愿更改护照和其他官方文件上的性别,不需要经过手术、心理咨询,也并无规定要求他们提交这类材料。国家资助的研究开始在间性人问题上运作起来。对所有先前被边缘化的性行为、性别和性身份认同来说,未来似乎都是光明的。尽管布尔什维克对LGBTQ+(这里使用现代术语,因为当时用来描述这样的个人的术语如今看来是过时的,充满攻击性、排他性)议题未必一定有很高度的关注,但很明显的是,他们有反对偏见和歧视的基本立场。


    The Bolshevik Grigorii Batkis, Director of the Institute for Social Hygiene, described the position in the following way: "The present sexual legislation in the Soviet Union is the work of the October revolution. This revolution is important not only as a political phenomenon which secures the political role of the working class, but also for the revolutions which evolving from it reach out into all areas of life... (Soviet legislation) declares the absolute non-involvement of state and society in sexual relations, provided they harm no one and infringe upon no one's interests... Homosexuality, sodomy and various other forms of sexual gratification set forth in European legislation as offences against public morality are treated by Soviet legislation exactly as is so called 'natural' intercourse." The Soviet Union would undoubtedly have seen a flourishing of human possibility, far beyond anything so far dreamt, had the disaster of isolation and Stalinism not intervened.


    布尔什维克党人、社会卫生研究所主任格里戈里·巴特克斯以这样的方式描述了他们的立场:“苏联目前关于性议题的法案是十月革命的成果。十月革命作为一种重要的政治现象,保卫了工人阶级的在政治上的地位;另一方面,那些波及到生活各个领域的革命由它而生,这场革命对它们也很重要.....(苏联法律)宣布国家和社会在两性关系之中绝不介入,只要他们不伤害任何人,不侵犯任何人的权益...同性恋、鸡奸和许多其它形式的性满足,在欧洲的法律中都是侵害公共道德的,但在苏联的法律中,它们完全被视为所谓的‘自然的交往’。” 如果没有国际孤立的灾难和斯大林主义的干预,苏联无疑会带来人类潜力的繁荣,远远超过迄今为止所有的梦想。


    Cut off from the world and isolated in conditions of extreme technical and productive backwardness, in a country ravaged by imperialist war, civil war, and famine, the Soviet power struggled to survive. A counterrevolutionary bureaucracy developed within the Soviet state and the party itself, like a malevolent cancer. As war and famine necessitated harsh measures in order to survive, it grew and was consolidated around the person of Stalin. Thus, from 1924, the year Lenin died, until 1928, when Trotsky was exiled and the Left Opposition effectively dismantled, a process took place in the Soviet Union resulting in the dictatorship of the bureaucracy, led by Stalin, and the strangulation of Soviet democracy, although in the framework of a nationalized planned economy. The Stalinist bureaucracy eventually liquidated all the social and political gains of the revolution, leaving only the planned economy as the great economic conquest of the revolution, until that, too, was to vanish with the collapse of Stalinism under its own bureaucratic weight, and the disintegration of the USSR in the 1990s.


    在俄国的技术与生产力都极度落后的条件下,世界切断了与俄国的联系,并且对它实行孤立政策。在这个经历了帝国主义战争、内战和饥荒的蹂躏的国家里,苏维埃政权仍然挣扎求存。在苏维埃国家机器和党的内部,反革命的官僚机构像毒瘤一样开始滋生。为了在饥荒和战争中生存,就必须采取严酷的手段,而官僚主义因此在斯大林周围慢慢滋长、巩固了。因此,从1924年列宁去世,直到1928年托洛茨基被放逐、左翼反对派实际上被铲除后,尽管整个国家还是在国有计划经济的框架内,但苏联的这一历程导致了斯大林领导的官僚专制,并扼杀了苏维埃民主 。斯大林主义的官僚机构最终清除了革命带来的所有的社会和政治进步,只剩下计划经济制度作为革命在经济上的巨大成果。最终,由于斯大林主义在其自身的官僚主义重压下而崩溃,计划经济制度也随着1990年代苏联的解体而消失了。


    The political counterrevolution started resurrecting past bourgeois “moral values,” while attempting to dress it up in “Marxist-Leninist” terminology. In 1933, homosexuality was banned and subject to a penalty of up to 5 years hard labor. Stalinist propaganda linked homosexual behaviors to fascism. In 1936, Justice Commissar Nikolai Krylenko summarized the official position by declaring that the anti-gay Article 121 of the criminal code was aimed at the old ruling classes—thus linking homosexuality in an appallingly un-Marxist manner with the former tsarist aristocracy and Russian bourgeoisie. As the bureaucratization of the Comintern took place in step with the bureaucratization of the USSR, the Russian Stalinists were able to broadcast their homophobia and transphobia into official Communist Parties all across the world. There was a reactionary regression on these questions in all these parties although not without some resistance on the part of ordinary party members as exemplified by British Communist Harry Whyte’s famous letter to Stalin.


    政治上的反革命开始复辟过去资产阶级的“道德价值观念”,并试图用“马克思列宁主义”的术语来粉饰之。在1933年,同性恋被禁止,而同性恋关系会带来长达5年的劳改处罚【3】。斯大林主义者在宣传上将同性性行为与法西斯主义联系起来。1936年,司法人民委员尼古拉•克里连科总结了官方立场,宣布刑法典第121条的反同条文针对的是旧统治阶级。这以完全非马克思主义的方式,将同性恋与前沙皇时代贵族和俄罗斯资产阶级联系在了一起。随着官僚化在苏联与共产国际中的同步进行,俄罗斯的斯大林主义者们便得以向世界各地的共产党散播他们恐同和恐跨的态度。虽然大部分的共产党在这些问题上都开始退步,但也有一些普通党员反对这一潮流,如英国共产主义者哈利•怀特写给斯大林的那封著名的信。


    This is how the Bolsheviks approached what we now describe as LGBTQ+ issues—from the perspective of doing away with all oppression and creating a world where humanity would finally be allowed to develop free of the constraints of class society. Just how advanced things were under Soviet rule nearly 100 years ago is evidenced by the fact that the United States did not fully legalize “sodomy” until the year 2003!


    这就是布尔什维克处理我们现在所说的LGBTQ +问题的方式——消除所有压迫,并创造一个让人类最终摆脱阶级社会约束的世界。美国直至2003年之前都没能彻底将“鸡奸”合法化,而这一事实恰恰证明了近一百年前苏维埃社会的进步程度!


    In the US today, marriage equality may have been won, but the struggle continues on issues from workplace protections to the basic democratic right of transgender people to use restrooms and other public facilities without being harassed, misgendered, or subject to violence. Marxists side with the oppressed in these struggles, as in all others, and are the most uncompromising fighters against homophobia and transphobia.


    在今天的美国,婚姻平权虽然已经取得了胜利,但斗争依旧会继续,从职场保护到跨性别者在使用洗手间及其他公共设施的基本民主权利上不受到骚扰、性别误导或遭受暴力的问题。马克思主义者在这些斗争中与被压迫者站在同一阵线,与所有其他被压迫群体一样,是反对恐同和跨性别恐惧症的最不妥协的斗争者。


    Above all, the Russian Revolution shows how proletarian revolution can in practice do many times more for the oppressed layers than single-issue reformism ever will. Nonetheless, it is a common slander that Marxists are concerned "only" with economic conditions, focusing exclusively on class, with no regard for race, gender, and sexuality. Nothing could be further from the truth. What Marxists explain is that such issues do not exist in isolation, that various forms of oppression do not simply intersect in individual terms, but express causal relationships on a social level, and that class exploitation and oppression is the foundation. Sweep away class society and all the old

    prejudices and oppressions begin to crumble.


    最重要的是,俄国的革命表明:在实践中,无产阶级革命能为被压迫阶层带来的利益,远远高于议题单一的改良主义方案尽管如此,常常有人污蔑马克思主义者“仅仅”关心经济状况,格外地专注于阶级,而不考虑种族、性别和性特质。这种说法大错特错。马克思主义者对此的解释是:这些问题并不是孤立存在的,各种形式的压迫不是简单地在个人身上交叉,而是表现出社会层面的因果关系;另外,阶级剥削和压迫是所有这些的基础。一旦扫除阶级社会,所有的旧偏见和压迫都将开始瓦解。


    This does not mean that it is not necessary to struggle against various forms of oppression, discrimination and prejudice, but that the struggle against them necessarily follows from the struggle against class exploitation. It does not mean that sexism, racism, homophobia, or transphobia will automatically vanish overnight because socialism has been achieved. These forms of prejudice and discrimination will gradually disappear over time as socialism removes the material base and class divisions upon which they are based. The main point we have to emphasize is that it will not be possible to achieve socialism if we do not fight in unity, as a class, against our common oppressors. The Bolsheviks understood this and, both before and after the taking of power, hurled themselves into the fray on the side of the exploited and oppressed. We must learn from their great example.


    这当然并不意味着没有必要与各种形式的压迫、歧视和偏见进行斗争,但是反对它们的斗争必然要伴随着反对阶级剥削的斗争。 这也不意味着社会主义的实现会使得性别歧视、种族主义、恐同或跨性别恐惧症在一夜间自动消失。 随着社会主义消除它们所基于的一切物质基础和阶级区隔,以这种形式出现的偏见和歧视将逐渐消失。我们要强调的是,如果我们不能作为一个阶级团结一致来反对我们的共同压迫者的话,那就不可能实现社会主义。布尔什维克们理解这一点。不管在获得权力的之前还是之后,他们都站在被剥削和受压迫者的一边。我们必须要从他们的榜样中学习。



    注解:

    【1】格奥尔基•契切林:1872年11月24日-1936年7月7日,苏联政治人物,曾任外交部长(1918年-1930年)。契切林为著名诗人普希金远亲,贵族出身。1918年作为托洛茨基副手参与签订布列斯特-立陶夫斯克条约,使苏联退出一战。托洛茨基辞职后任苏联外交部长。1922年代表苏联参加热那亚会议。同年与魏玛共和国外长特瑙签订1922年拉帕洛条约,使德苏关系正常化。1930年因病被季诺维也夫替代。 

    【2】1920年代天主教作为欧洲及南美大陆的保守宗教对新生的苏维埃政权是持敌视态度,而对同性恋者更是具有歧视以及压迫的态度,但契切林作为一名公开出柜的男同性恋者,与教廷的最高统治者教皇一起签署和约,这对当时的天主教廷来说简直是最大的侮辱与讽刺。

    【3】相关资料可详查维基百科“俄罗斯LGBT权益”专页。


     

    声明

    原名:The October Revolution and LGBTQ+ Struggle

    作者:Timothy Bay

    日期:2016年3月25日(周五)

    来源:Socialist Appeal

    翻译:素蓉、林同燊

    校对:佚名


我要评论

友情链接